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23JAN2004 The Blood-sweetened Beverage

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WARNING VIRUS ALERT: Keep your eyes open for a new virus: The "Bagle" or "Beagle" worm, arriving in an e-mail with the subject "hi" and the word "test" in the message body. If the accompanying attachment is executed, the worm is unleashed and tries to send itself to all e-mails listed in the user's address book. The virus only affects machines running Microsoft Windows operating systems. [MORE INFO]

Letter from the Editor Ed. note: Workers of the world, unite! is a far cry from the International havoc foisted upon us via the corporate "globalization" vampires.

From our friend Tom Engelhardt (tomdispatch.com), we received History to the rescue, an introduction to Against All Odds by Adam Hochschild.

The Hochschild piece gives us a little history about institutional slavery as the largest "empire" on earth, and I am ashamed to say that until I read it as a tomdispatch, I was unaware of how the movement to dismantle the "empire" began. The story is a lesson we should learn and never forget.

Using Hochschild's own words, the application of these methods of the movement might also promise the means to an end of poverty, and the vast gap between rich and poor nations.

The environmental catastrophe facing the whole wide world, which manifests as global warming, and the poisoning of the earth's soil, air, and water could be harnessed and reversed using the same abolitionist tactics as ended slavery.

Putting an end to the relentless threat of nuclear, chemical and biological Weapons of Mass Destruction could also be brought about in the same way slavery was abolished - indeed "the habit of war" could be phased out in the spirit and lifetimes of "my children shall be free!"

Adam Hochschild writes: "For more than two decades before the Civil War, the holiday celebrated most fervently by free blacks in the American North was not July 4 (when they were at risk of attack from drunken white mobs) but August 1, Emancipation Day in the British Empire."

"Uprisings of the oppressed have erupted throughout history, but the anti-slavery movement in England was the first sustained mass campaign anywhere on behalf of someone else's rights."

Adam introduces us to Clarkson, an accidental character in human history who un-did in a mere fifty-two years, the institution of slavery and the slave-trade that had been officially in place throughout the British Empire for 276 years.

Adam starts the story out at the beginning in 1787, when a 25-year-old divinity student named Thomas Clarkson entered a Latin-writing contest. The subject was slavery. In researching the story, he became compulsively interested enough to have made ending institutional slavery his life work. His essay was the winning entry, and afterwards he and a dozen friends got the essay published in English, and the British anti-slavery movement was born.

From a Clarkson diary:

"Within a few years, another tactic [of chipping away at the slave-trade] arose from the grassroots. Throughout the length and breadth of the British Isles, people stopped eating the major product harvested by British slaves: sugar."

Hochschild writes: "Clarkson was delighted to find a "remedy, which the people were taking into their own hands.... Rich and poor, churchmen and dissenters.... By the best computation I was able to make from notes taken down in my journey, no fewer than three hundred thousand persons had abandoned the use of sugar."

Almost like "fair trade" food labeling today, advertisements quickly filled the press: "BENJAMIN TRAVERS, Sugar-Refiner, acquaints the Publick that he has now an assortment of Loaves, Lumps, Powder Sugar, and Syrup, ready for sale... produced by the labour of FREEMEN."

Then, as now, the full workings of a globalized economy were largely invisible. The boycott caught people's imagination because it brought these hidden ties to light. The poet Robert Southey spoke of tea as "the blood-sweetened beverage."

Although Clarkson was the only one of the original group to see it happen, on July 31st, 1838, slavery in the largest empire on earth officially ended.

Tom Engelhardt gives us a fitting introduction to Adam Hochschild's piece:

History and hope. They don't always seem like the perfect couple, but just when you think it's hopeless, along comes Adam Hochschild to remind us that even the most embedded of institutions can, in fact, be uprooted in little more than a long lifetime. The use of the car, the burning of fossil fuels, the making of war, the arrogance of empire -- few institutions or ways of life were more "human," more essential to our nature, than slavery. In the piece that follows, Adam Hochschild takes us back to the first great human-rights campaign in history -- the movement to end slavery in the British Empire. The men who began it were considered kooks. It had no business succeeding. Yet its legacy and its extraordinary achievements live on (including the pioneering of most of the everyday tools any movement for change would automatically use today, from the political poster to the direct-mail fundraising letter and the media campaign). Hochschild, author of King Leopold's Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa, gives us a peek below into his many-years-in-preparation history of the British anti-slavery movement, which will be published next fall. In his hands, history offers us all unexpected hope. Mother Jones magazine published this piece in its January-February issue and it is thanks to their kind permission that I can release it on the web. Tom

Against All Odds
By ADAM HOCHSCHILD

Strangely, in a city where it seems that on every block a blue-and-white glazed plaque commemorates a famous event or resident, none marks this spot. All you can see today, after you leave the Bank station of the London underground, walk a block or two east, and then take a few steps into a courtyard, is a couple of low, nondescript office buildings, an ancient pub, and, on the site itself, 2 George Yard, a glass-and-steel high-rise. Nothing remains of the bookstore and printing shop that once stood here, or recalls the late afternoon in 1787 when a dozen people - a somber-looking crew, one man in clerical black and most of the others not removing their high-crowned blade hats-filed through its doors and sat down to launch one of the most far-reaching citizens' movements of all time. Cities build monuments to kings and generals, not to people who once gathered in a bookstore. And yet what these particular citizens did was felt across the world-winning the admiration of the first and greatest student of what today we call civil society. What they accomplished, Alexis de Tocqueville wrote, was "something absolutely without precedent in history... If you pore over the histories of all peoples, I doubt that you will find anything more extraordinary."

To fully grasp how momentous was what began at 2 George Yard, picture the world as it existed in 1787. Well over three-quarters of the people on earth are in bondage of one land or another. In parts of the Americas, slaves far outnumber free people. African slaves are also scattered widely through much of the Islamic world. Slavery is routine in most of Africa itself. In India and other parts of Asia, some people are outright slaves, others in debt bondage that ties them to a particular landlord as harshly as any slave to a Southern plantation owner. In Russia the majority of the population are serfs. Nowhere is slavery more firmly rooted than in Britain's overseas empire, where some half-million slaves are being systematically worked to an early death growing West Indian sugar. Caribbean slave-plantation fortunes underlie many a powerful dynasty, from the ancestors of Elizabeth Barrett Browning to the family of the fabulously wealthy William Beckford, lord mayor of London, who hired Mozart to give his son piano lessons. One of the most prosperous sugar plantations on Barbados is owned by the Church of England. Furthermore, Britain's ships dominate the slave trade, delivering tens of thousands of chained captives each year to French, Dutch, Spanish, and Portuguese colonies as well as to its own.

If you had proposed, in the London of early 1787, to change all of this, nine out often people would have laughed you off as a crackpot. The 10th might have admitted that slavery was unpleasant but said that to end it would wreck the British Empire's economy. It would be as if, today, you maintained that the automobile must go. One in ten listeners might agree that the world would be better off if we traveled instead by foot, bicycle, electric train, or trolley, but are you suggesting a political movement to ban cars? Come on, be serious! Looking back, however, what is even more surprising than slavery's scope is how swiftly it died. By the end of the 19th century, slavery was, at least on paper, outlawed almost everywhere. Every American schoolchild learns about the Underground Railroad and the Emancipation Proclamation. But our self-centered textbooks often skip over the fact that in the superpower of the time slavery ended a full quarter-century earlier. For more than two decades before the Civil War, the holiday celebrated most fervently by free blacks in the American North was not July 4 (when they were at risk of attack from drunken white mobs) but August 1, Emancipation Day in the British Empire.

Jettisoning "Cargo"

On March 18, 1783, the Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser carried a short letter to the editor about a case being heard in a London courtroom. The item caught the eye of a former slave living in England, Olaudah Equiano. Horrified, he ran immediately to see an Englishman he knew, Granville Sharp, an eccentric pamphleteer and known opponent of slavery. Sharp recorded in his diary that Equiano "called on me, with an account of one hundred and thirty Negroes being thrown alive into the sea." [MORE]



Letter from the Editor ON/OFF SUBJECT: There was a chap interviewd on the radio the other night who is the spokesman or administrator of a school in Israel for Israeli and Palestinian students. You can imagine what a profound learning experience it must be for the children; to get a first class education, and to be exposed to each others' culture in the process.

Back to the technicality of matters. In the interview, the interviewee, an Israeli, referred to Muslims as Moslems (pronounced "moz-lums").

A moslem is a cruel individual - the exact opposite from a Muslim; a man of peace. In Arabic, presumably spoken by Palestinian students in their Two States Solution experimental school, "zulm" is understood to mean harm or evil.

While I hope their two-state solution works out, but which I have no faith in, how can the well educated youth expect to really have it right if their teachers, even through ignorance of Islam and/or the Arabic language project and perpetuate the very kind of disrespect of Muslims to their Israeli students, and insult their Muslim students by referring to Muslims as Moslems?

Hereabouts, we might hear niggrah (in place of negro) and really meaning nigger. What? Ignorance or just a subtle and hurtful way of perpetuating the status quo? Speaking of moslems and Muslims...

Adam Hochschild's piece re: the "Islamic" world, which might better be described as the "Muslim" world because technically, slavery in the "Islamic" and the Qur'anic world is also being phased out. Nominals (in name only "Muslims") are still in the process of catching up with the (Islamic) times.

During the Prophet's time, and before the Recital (which became Al-Qur'an), when nearly all men were enslaved to some degree or other, he arranged for five breaks a day, and during Ramadan (the month of fasting), a slave owner could forgo the fast in exchange for the freeing of a slave; that was 30 slaves freed per non-fasting slave owner per year, technically, every 11 months.

In Words must be credible by Tom Engelhardt, from the SOU transcript quotes Bush as saying, "No one can now doubt the word of America". There was another quote from the transcript that got my attention, on the insulting "Libyan offer to rid itself of weapons of mass destruction". My take: As it is a CIA op, it will continue to go terribly wrong. See Overplaying our hand in Iraq by Robert Jailall - "The only remaining reason for the U.S. military to stay in Iraq is to prevent civil war." Waitaminute! What about the oil? Qadaffi who?

I wrote two things recently that got my attention re: that Slate "outing" I mentioned some days ago - about defining "infidel", and an expression of peace until written not having ever been said out loud, or written anywhere, except in Sufi everyday - I mentioned it to my wife, since we live surrounded by trees, "Did you notice the forest in the trees taking up our whole life with air we breathe?" in so many words

On the infidel first, in response to Paul Berman specifically, and the Slate piece Liberal Hawks Reconsider the Iraq War generally:

Religion is of secondary concern, and that is a problem to Muslims that hold little regard for those who don't put their respective religion first. The west considers their oil first, and their religion second, if at all. That is the almost classic definition of the so-hated infidel.

Also, gratitude, and...

On the conceptual peace v. the conceptual fear, the fear (referred to in Words must be credible, is real. So is the peace!

Did Usama bin Laden mis-use the Sayyid Qutb writings (that Paul Berman introduced me to)? What would happen if Sayyid Qutb's writings were properly interpreted and applied? It doesn't take much brain power to imagine what would be the opposite effect of 9/11 in Islam, and in New York and at the Pentagon.

"You simply can't write such words so many times over and in such variety without conscious intent." -- Tom Englehardt

"nee-yah", in Arabic is "intent", which in Islamic study is a big deal.

Those guys over at the Bush White House are writing spells. But then, so are we. Who's majickq works? ...in the context of the Moon Over Morocco radio serial from quite a few years ago, and the boxed-tapes version heard more recently ago.

Still I haven't received a copy of Absolute Friends by John Le Carre, which the more I hear about it the more excited I am to read where he is taking us to this time.

Anyhow, she said she noticed, now that I'd mentioned what we mostly take for granted in so many words

Besides experiential (gratitude) peace, this is what the Sayyid Qutb writings were about, and specifically what he meant when he said, "every person might be free from servitude to others."

It's a struggle (jihad).




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The next betrayal? The Kurds and their "friends"
By AYUB NURI

Iraqi Kurds have struggled for self-determination for eighty years. Iraq can have no peace - and the United States will lose its only true friend in the Middle East - if their rights are again denied.

You will hardly find a single Iraqi Kurd who is not happy with the fall of Saddam's regime and his capture in December 2003. Yet the struggle we Kurds have waged in the last thirty years was not against Saddam Hussein alone, but against a regime that was denying our democratic rights as Kurds, at the same time as trying to exterminate us.

Indeed, this struggle stretches back even farther than thirty years - to the period after the first world war, when much of Kurdistan was attached to Iraq by the British colonial authorities against the will of the Kurds themselves. The British, guided by their interests in the region's oil, broke their promises of Kurdish independence, throwing the Kurds on the mercy of Arab nationalists (as well as Turks and Persians) without any compunction.

The Kurds were left with the hard task of fighting alone for their rights. For the last eighty years, we have sacrificed plenty of lives to this struggle. In Iraq, this has meant resisting successive regimes in Baghdad. Throughout, we have tried to take our story to the outside world, detailing all the crimes committed against us by those regimes. No country in the world was willing to acknowledge what was happening to us in Kurdistan: the United States included. Only the fragile autonomy secured after the United States-led war of 1991 gave us a temporary breathing-space.

Arabs and Kurds: worlds apart

So many betrayals and rebuffs of our cause by the outside world did not, however, prevent the same Kurds from becoming the major, real ally of the United States in its war against Saddam's regime in 2003. For us, this was another opportunity to achieve our aims and put an end to an especially cruel regime that had killed us systematically for three decades.

We did not forget that this meant entering into an alliance with the same America and Britain that had helped unleash Saddam on Iraq against the Iraqi people and their neighbours in the first place. It was, after all, the same Colin Powell, Donald Rumsfeld and their associates who had turned a blind eye to the chemical gas attack on the Kurds in Halabja in 1988, who now visited it in 2003 as the scene of a war crime.

But with the overthrow of Saddam's regime, Iraqi Kurds hoped that finally we were within sight of guaranteed autonomy and stable relationships with their neighbours. But now that America has made itself master of Iraq's destiny, it seems strangely unwilling to listen to Kurdish aspirations. Now that the 'Iraqi freedom' mission is accomplished, America has begun to argue that the fate of the Kurdish people lies in the hands of the Iraqi authorities and the Iraqi people. Forgotten are all the promises made to the Kurds, and the debt owed them. This latest setback is a huge disappointment to the Kurds, for the majority of the Iraqi population is composed of Arabs - both Sunni and Shi'a Muslims.

Shi'a members of the governing council seem to have promised Kurdish leaders that, after the Shi'a themselves have gained power in Iraq, they will vote for the type of federalism the Kurds favour. The Sunni community of Iraq, by contrast, sees such a federalist arrangement as the theft of part of their country, and a blow against their national feeling. But neither group seems likely to get what they want.

If the Shi'a majority ran Iraq, they would have to dance to the tune of their long-term supporter and co-religionist Iran, with its own millions of Kurds ­ whose rights are similarly denied. So our Kurdish leaders must be very careful indeed to avoid being deceived yet again by current promises, from any source.

Kurdish members of the Iraqi governing council have a historical responsibility to future generations of Kurds, who must not be asked to pay a heavy price for their weakness today. The world should realise that Kurds and Arabs are completely different peoples. Kurdistan and its Kurds existed for centuries before Iraq came into being as a country. On no account can Kurdish demands be equated with Shi'a or other Arab demands. We Iraqi Kurds are self-sufficient and deserve to be treated in distinction from the other parts of Iraq.

Americans and Kurds: the price of partnership

The Sunni and Shi'a Arabs in central and southern parts of Iraq share a common language, history and culture. In addition there is a real prospect that a shared sense of belonging to the nation will make them willing to stay together in one Iraq. But what could such an Iraq offer us? Could we expect its Arab leaders to be either familiar with or loyal to Kurdish concerns? The Arabs of Iraq have always looked to the Arab League and the tribal system to solve all their problems as well as their day-to-day and national disputes. By contrast, we Kurds hanker for modernity and make every effort to keep abreast of international developments. Long ago, we put the tribal system that the Arabs still abide by, behind us.

The time, then, is long overdue for the United States and the Arabs to recognise the Kurdish demand for self-rule, otherwise Iraq will continue to suffer the same problems of insurgency that confronted Saddam's regime and previous regimes. In return, we are quite explicit in saying that we will provide America with all the oil, security, support for the 'war against terror' and so-called democracy that it wants, if it will only grant us independence, or the kind of federalism that we can live with.

In recognising such a demand, the United States would do well not to rely on those Kurdish leaders who are members of the governing council as fully representative of the Kurdish case. Alongside their struggles in the Kurdish cause, these guys have their own ambitions to pursue. It is the Kurdish people as a whole who have to be listened to ­ and given the space they need to run their own affairs.

Meanwhile it is perfectly obvious that America has never fully trusted the Arabs, nor the Arabs America. America might have won over certain Arab leaders to their agenda, but not the ordinary Arab peoples. Kurdish leaders and people alike, however, are well-disposed towards America and American interests. This has not always been an easy stance to maintain in the face of those Arabs who see our alliance with America as the betrayal of a Muslim nation. But it remains the case.

The United States is now talking about transferring authority to the Iraqi government as early as June 2004. So before the US leaves the country, it must give the green light to the Iraqi government to grant the Kurds the right of self-determination. Only this will be sufficient reward for our long struggle, the crimes perpetrated against us, and our support for United States efforts to overthrow Saddam's regime. If this does not happen, the Iraqi government the US leaves behind will face huge unrest. And America itself will lose the one, true friend it has in the Middle East. [MORE]




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Bush leaves no bride behind

State of the Union throws marriage sop to conservative base

Signaling that the Pander Countdown to Election Day 2004 has begun in earnest, President Bush spiced up Tuesday's State of the Union speech by tossing a bone, if not a garter belt and a bible, to his conservative base, which is up in arms over the thought that gay people may soon have the right to legally tie and untie the knot -- and thus make a mockery of the sacred institution that Britney and Jason are such big fans of. He did this by tiptoeing up to the edge of saying "I do" to supporting a constitutional amendment defining marriage as the exclusive province of heterosexual couples.

"Our nation must defend the sanctity of marriage," he declared to ringing applause from Tom DeLay and the "Amen" chorus on the right.

The president's connubial rhetoric came on the heels of last week's White House announcement of the "Healthy Marriage" initiative aka "The Leave No Bride Behind Act". The president plans to spend $1.5 billion protecting and promoting marriage, especially among poor, minority couples.

The money will be used to teach couples how to manage their conflicts in healthy ways, and, yes, to fund ad campaigns publicizing the value of getting hitched. I can just picture the PSAs starring Trista and Ryan: "Hey, kids, we were paid millions of dollars to tie the knot on national TV. So don't believe anyone who tells you that marriage isn't worth the trouble!" Federal dollars will also be earmarked for mentoring programs that use married couples as role models. Here's a suggestion: why not start with conservative icons such as Bob Dole, Newt Gingrich and Phil Gramm. They can all tearfully testify how much those ads might have meant in their own unsuccessful attempts to keep a marriage together.

Now I'm not saying that helping married couples stay together is a bad thing. I'm just saying that it's not a job for the Federal government. At least not a government that is faced with far more pressing problems than what to do when he wants to watch football and she wants to cuddle. We have 9% unemployment, 12 million uninsured children, record-breaking $500 billion deficits, unfinished business in Afghanistan and Iraq, porous ports and vulnerable airports, and every state in the union cutting back on vital social programs, and the president wants to spend precious resources convincing young people that marriage is better than shacking up? Just whom is he protecting here? Aside from his own electoral backside.

"Marriage programs do work," insisted Dr. Wade Horn, assistant secretary for children and families of the Department of Health and Human Services. "On average, children raised by their own parents in healthy, stable married families enjoy better physical and mental health and are less likely to be poor." Yeah, well so are children who can read. And those raised by parents who have a job. Or health insurance. Or access to a decent education.

What makes the president's proposal particularly galling is that it's being offered up by a politician who came into office attacking federal programs like the one he is proposing for being too intrusive. "I trust people," said candidate Bush during one of his debates with Al Gore. "I don't trust the federal government."

Indeed, the very people who have been complaining for decades that government programs are not the way to fight the war on poverty are now determined to use Federal tax dollars to fight the war for matrimonial bliss. And they're using the same line of argument they excoriate liberals for using to explain why we need to invest in education, health care, and poverty fighting: "For every $1,000 we spend on public programs addressing family breakdown," said Tony Perkins, president of the conservative Family Research Council, "we only spend one dollar trying to prevent that breakdown in the first place. The President's initiative puts the emphasis in the right place -- prevention."

Of course, these "family values" types, who insist that "marriage is between a man and a woman", uniformly fail to mention that, these days, marriage in America is, quite often, between a man who works eight hours a day in a factory and five hours a night as a security guard and then comes home to an empty bed because his wife is on the night shift, stocking shelves at Wal-Mart. It's pretty damn hard to "manage your conflicts in a healthy way" when the two of you are never in the same room. And for all the talk about how much better off kids in unbroken homes are, there is very little said about how these barely-making-ends-meet parents are supposed to pull off the Ozzie and Harriet routine. Talk to your kids about drugs? When? In the waits at the emergency room, which you're using as your GP because you haven't got health care?

It's time for voters to rethink their relationship with the Commander-in-Chief -- and file for divorce. [MORE]

Arianna Huffington is the author of Pigs at the Trough: How Corporate Greed and Political Corruption Are Undermining America.


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